Wednesday, March 17, 2004
The Fruits of Poverty
The Wealth of Supermarkets is built on Monopoly, Exploitation and Restriction of Choice
by George Monbiot
Every year the list is the same, but every year it still comes as a
shock. Of the 10 richest people on Earth, five of them have the same
surname. It's not Gates, or Murdoch, or Rockefeller, but Walton. They
are the heirs and trustees of the supermarket chain Wal-Mart. And
between them they are worth $100bn. Considering how the media fawns
on the ultra rich, we hear remarkably little about them. Perhaps this
is because their position is rather embarrassing. The company that
enriches them trades on the idea that it is the friend of the common
man and woman, distributing rather than concentrating wealth.
Over the past 20 years, two world-shaking social transformations have
taken place. The first, the effective collapse of the proletariat as
a political force, has been well documented. The second, the
disappearance of the petty bourgeoisie as an economic force, rather
less so. The near-elimination of the small businesses supplying and
running the retail trade is in some ways as consequential as the
withering of organized labor in heavy industry and the coal mines.
The global monopolization of the sector has destroyed the livelihoods
of tens of millions of small proprietors and their employees. But,
because this workforce was dispersed, the effects are rather harder
to see.
A couple of weeks ago, I went to buy some fruit trees. I traveled to
the world's most unprepossessing center of biodiversity: Langley, on
the outskirts of Slough. In the first half of the 20th century, most
of London's fruit and vegetables were grown round there. The farms
were supplied by specialist nurseries, which ensured that Britain
possessed a wider variety of temperate fruit trees than any other
nation. Two weeks ago, only one of these nurseries was left. In the
1940s, JC Allgrove's kept a thousand varieties of apple tree. It is
still listed in the directories as one of Britain's great growers.
But I was among its last customers.
Since the owner died two years ago, the business has been run by a
volunteer, Nick Houston. "There are bits of ground here where no
one's been for 20 years," he told me. Recently, scrabbling beneath
the ivy that now covers the orchards, he found an apple he had never
seen before. It was a Baumann's Reinette: the horticultural
equivalent of a Fabergé egg. "But I had no idea which bloody tree it
had fallen off." Somewhere in the nursery there should be two
varieties - King Harry and St Augustine's Orange - that even the
national fruit collection doesn't possess, but he hasn't been able to
find them yet. The land is to be sold. Nick will salvage what he can
and run a business of his own, under the old name, to try to keep the
rare breeds growing.
He gave a one-word answer when I asked him what had happened to the
business. "Supermarkets." Today the apples they buy are landing three
miles from JC Allgrove's. Heathrow's first runway was built on
strawberry farms and orchards. From the air, you can still see
derelict greenhouses and the parallel lines on the land where fruit
trees once grew. Richard Cox, the man who bred the world's favorite
apple, is buried beside St Mary's Church in Harmondsworth, which will
be flattened if a third runway is built at Heathrow.
The superstores have used their buying power to force the world's
farmers to compete directly with each other. Yesterday I spoke to a
fruit grower in Gloucestershire, who told me that to stay in the game
he must sometimes sell Coxes for as little as 57p a kilo, less than
his cost of production. The superstores then sell the same apples for
between £1.60 and £1.80. They can buy them for even less from Chile,
New Zealand and South Africa, where labor is cheap and the farms
huge. This would present no threat to the growers here, had the
superstores not used their political power to ensure that fuel costs
stay low, and the docks and airports keep expanding.
These companies are now strolling over the battlefield, dispatching
the last of the wounded. A few days ago, Verdict Research published a
report on the takeover of Britain's cornershops. The big chains have
moved into the suburbs, where they are closing down the
competition. "Now smaller retailers can no longer hide in the
neighborhood," Verdict reports. "A major shake-out is inevitable."
Wal-Mart, which owns the British chain Asda, is now the biggest
company on Earth. In the last financial year it took $245bn. It is
successful partly because it is one of the most ruthless employers in
the western world.
In the US its sales clerks made an average of $13,861 in 2001, almost
$800 below the federal poverty line for a family of three. It is
reported to have told new employees how to apply for food stamps so
that they don't starve to death. In November, the police found
hundreds of illegal immigrants working as cleaners in its stores.
Some of them claimed that they were obliged to work seven nights a
week, without overtime, insurance or benefits.
By forcing down the prices of the goods they buy, the superstores
encourage even more repressive conditions in the companies that
supply them. A recent study by Oxfam documents the systematic abuse
of workers in the factories and farms that the superstores buy from.
The Waltons are so rich because others are so poor.
Beside this, the destruction of our horticultural diversity looks
trivial. But both are manifestations of the same problem. As the
superstores capture the market, they shut down all our choices: about
where we shop, what we buy, who we work for. This, of course, is what
all monopolies seek to do.
We might have hoped that governments would treat them as such.
Indeed, there was a time when they did. In 1936, a federal anti-trust
act was passed in the United States to protect small shops from the
Great Atlantic & Pacific Tea Company. But governments were braver
then.
In Britain, the Office of Fair Trading and the Competition Commission
seem to spend their time devising new excuses. They continue to
insist, for example, that big stores and corner shops are separate
markets. Tesco might sell 25% of all Britain's groceries, but it
owns "only" 6% of the convenience store market, so it should be
allowed to expand in that sector as it pleases. Last month the Office
of Fair Trading admitted that its voluntary code of practice, which
is supposed to protect farmers from the excessive power of the
superstores, is not working. By way of remedy it proposed "more
research".
In response, the MPs Andrew George and David Drew are launching an
early day motion in parliament today, calling for a legally binding
code of practice and a supermarket watchdog. But Tony Blair seems to
be as frightened of the superstores as he is of the tabloid press.
Nick couldn't find me any of the rarest varieties. He sold me an
Adam's Pearmain, a Charles Ross, a Sturmer Pippin and a Cornish
Aromatic. I would have bought the names even if the trees weren't
attached to them. If they survive my clumsy handling and produce
fruit, I will regard every apple they produce as a minor act of
insurrection.
© Guardian Newspapers Limited 2004
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